American democracy is about to undergo a serious stress test. I know what it feels like, in part because I experienced the slow and steady march of state capture as a journalist working in Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Turkey.


For more than ten years, I covered Turkey’s descent into illiberalism as a high-profile journalist, dealing with the government on a daily basis. I know how self-censorship starts on a small scale, but then creeps into practice on a daily basis. I am familiar with the rhythm of the struggle to reform the media, state institutions and the judiciary.


Having lived through this and learned some lessons in retrospect, I believe there are strategies that can help Democrats and Trump critics not only survive the next four years, but also emerge stronger. Here are six.


1. Don’t panic: autocracy takes time


Newly elected President Donald Trump’s return to power is nerve-wracking, but as I have argued beforeAmerica will not turn into a dictatorship overnight – or within four years. Even the most determined strongmen face internal obstacles, from the bureaucracy to the media to the courts. It took Erdoğan more than a decade to fully consolidate his power. Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Poland’s Law and Justice Party took years to erode democratic norms and tighten their grip on state institutions.


I’m not suggesting that the United States is immune to these patterns, but it is important to remember that its decentralized system of governance—the network of state and local governments—provides enormous resilience. Federal judges have lifetime appointments, states and governors have specific powers separate from those granted federally, there are local legislatures, and the media has the First Amendment as a shield, reinforced by more than a century of legal precedents. To be sure, there are dangers, including from a Supreme Court that could accord great deference to the president. But in the end, Donald Trump really only has two years to attempt the state takeover. Legal battles, congressional resistance, market forces, 2026 midterm elections and internal Republican dissidents will slow him down and contain him. The bottom line is that the US is too decentralized in its system of governance for a complete takeover. The orbanization of America is not an imminent threat.


2. Don’t give up – stay connected


After such a stunning electoral loss, there is a natural impulse to turn off the news, log off social media and withdraw from public life. I have seen this among friends in Turkey and Hungary, where opposition supporters retreated disillusioned after the victories of Erdoğan or Orbán. It is understandable that people want to turn inward.


Dancing, traveling, meditation, book clubs – it’s all fine. But ultimately in Poland, Hungary and Turkey, opponents of autocracy returned to the fight, driven by belief in the possibility of change. The Americans will do that too.


Nothing is more meaningful than being part of the fight for democracy. That is why millions of Turks went to the polls and gave the opposition achieved a historic victory at local governments across Turkey earlier this year. That’s how the Poles are organized a winning coalition to vote out the conservative Law and Justice Party last year. It can happen here too.


The answer to political defeat is not to disconnect from society, but to organize it. You can take a few days or weeks off, commiserate with friends, and mute Elon Musk on But ultimately, greater involvement is the best way to develop emotional resilience.


3. Don’t be afraid of infighting


Donald Trump’s victory is understandably a fact led to infighting within the Democratic Party and it looks ugly. But fear not. These accusations and finger pointing are necessary to move forward. In Turkey, Hungary and Poland, opposition parties were only able to fight back effectively after they were confronted with their strategic and ideological mismatch with society.


Trump has tapped into the widespread belief that the economic order, labor-capital relations, housing and the immigration system are broken. You may think he’s a hypocrite, but there’s no doubt that he has convinced a large cross-section of American society that he is, in fact, the agent of change – a spokesperson for their interests, as opposed to “democratic elites.” This is exactly what strongmen like Erdoğan and Orban have achieved.


If the Democratic Party is to redefine itself as a force for change, and not just as the guardian of the status quo, it needs fundamental shifts in the way it relates to working people in America. There is time to do this before the 2026 midterm elections.


4. Charismatic leadership is non-negotiable


One lesson from Turkey and Hungary is clear: you will lose if you don’t find a compelling leader, as was the case in the 2023 general elections in Turkey and 2022 in Hungary. Coalition building or economic messages are necessary and good. But it’s not enough. You need charisma to mobilize social dissidents.


Trump could be defeated in this election, but only with a more compelling candidate Nancy Pelosi has dropped a hint. For Democrats, the fundamental mistake after cleverly sidelining President Joe Biden was to bypass the primaries and pick their own candidate. The party’s future success will depend on identifying a candidate who can better connect with voters and channel their aspirations. In a country with 350 million inhabitants, it shouldn’t be too difficult.


Last year’s elections in Poland and Turkey showed how populist establishment parties can be defeated (or not defeated, as in Turkey’s 2023 general election), depending on the opposition’s ability to unite around compelling candidates who resonate found among voters. Voters are looking for authenticity and connection – give it to them.


5. Skip the protests and identity politics


Soon, Trump’s opponents will shake off the doldrums and organize an opposition campaign. But how they do it is important. In Turkey, the opposition has long made the mistake of relying too much on holding street demonstrations and promoting secularism, Turkey’s version of identity politics, which appeals to the urban professional and middle classes, but not beyond. When Erdoğan finally lost his absolute dominance in Turkish politics in 2024, it was largely due to his mismanagement of the economy and the growing competence of the opposition in that area.


Trump’s appeal transcends traditional divisions of race, gender and class. He has formed a new Republican coalition and to counter this, Democrats must also broaden their tent, even if that means appealing to conservatives on some issues. The opposition must be strategic and broad-based over the next four years. Street protests and calls to defend democracy may be inspiring, but they turn away conservatives and suburban America. Any grassroots action must be accompanied by a clear, recognizable economic message and highlight the leadership potential of Democratic mayors and governors. Identity politics alone will not get you there.


6. Have hope


Nothing lasts forever and the US is not the only part of the world facing threats to democracy – and Americans are no different than the French, the Turks or Hungarians when it comes to the appeal of the far right. But in a country with a strong, decentralized system of government and a long tradition of free speech, the rule of law should be far more resilient than anywhere else in the world.


Trump’s return to power certainly poses challenges for American democracy. But he will make mistakes and overplay his hand – at home and abroad. America will survive the next four years if Democrats pick themselves up and start learning from the successes of autocracy’s opponents around the world.



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